Early Childhood Education

The Early Childhood Education Research

Last Updated Aug 20, 2008 11:41 AM

The Early Childuood Education Research

We are concerned here with research conducted with children three, four, and five years old--the ages which are the focus of most preschool and kindergarten programs. Thus, programs and treatments conducted with infants and toddlers are excluded from the analysis, as are those custodial care arrangements not intended to promote children's general development or foster familiarity with academic activities. In addition, we need to point out that the focus here is the general early childhood education research; we have not conducted a detailed analysis of the research on special programs for handicapped children.

Twenty-eight research documents were reviewed in preparation for this report. Eighteen were studies, eight were reviews, and two reported the results of both a study and a review effort. Seventeen reported the results of research conducted with preschool children, six concerned research with kindergarteners, two reported on research with both groups, and three had to do with research with these plus either younger or older children. Many of the studies had a longitudinal design, and the majority of the studies and reviews were concerned with economically disadvantaged, urban, largely black populations.

About half the studies and reviews looked at the effects of preschool or kindergarten in general on the cognitive and affective development of participants. The rest were concerned with specific components within the context of preschool or kindergarten, such as the effects of parent involvement in early childhood programs and the differential effects of curriculum models. Many outcome areas were examined, particularly the effects of early childhood programs on IQ, achievement, incidence of grade retentions, and incidence of referrals for remedial or special education.


THE EFFECTS OF PRESCHOOL

The early studies and evaluations of Head Start programs produced a finding that educators and researchers of the 1960s and 1970s found disheartening: that while impressive cognitive gains result from preschool participation, these gains level off and, in most cases, completely "wash out" by the end of second grade. That is, before the end of the primary grades, there are no longer any IQ or achievement differences between children who had attended preschool programs and demographically similar children who had not.

Many writers, however, have pointed out that this convergence of scores for preschool participants and nonparticipants is to be expected. "We simply cannot," notes Zigler (1986), "inoculate children in one year of preschool against the ravages of a life of deprivation." Thus, the federally funded Follow Through program for primary children was developed to help them maintain and increase the gains they had made as pre-schoolers.

Meanwhile, other research was being conducted regarding Head Start and other preschool programs, and attention began to shift from the limited focus on the IQ scores of preschool "graduates" to other cognitive measures and, particularly, to noncognitive outcomes, both short-term and long-term.


SHORT-TERM BENEFITS

Research has established a variety of short-term benefits associated with disadvantaged children's preschool attendance. As noted above, IQ and achievement scores increase dramatically (BerruetaClement, et al. 1985; Consortium for Longitudinal Studies 1983; Illinois State Board of Education 1985; Irvine 1982; Miller and Dyer 1975; Schweinhart 1985; Bronson, et al. 1985). In addition, Bronson, et al. found preschool graduates to exhibit better task completion and more cooperative interaction with peers.

Of the various curriculum models used in preschool programs, the greatest short-term benefits are obtained when children participate in so-called "didactic" programs--programs which have a pre-academic focus, in which the teacher selects and directs the majority of the classroom activities, and in which there is a high degree of structure (McKey, et al. 1985; Powell 1986; Schweinhart, et al. 1986; Huston-Stein, et al. 1977).

LONG-TERM BENEFITS

After the first wave of research which cast doubt on the long-term value of preschool programs for economically disadvantaged children, researchers and early childhood specialists began to question the wisdom of using only cognitive measures--and particularly IQ scores--as the indicator of program success. The 1985 Illinois State Board of Education review states that:

...growing reservations about the validity and limitations of using IQ as predictor and sole indicator of academic achievement led to the inclusion of scholastic achievement, scholastic placement, noncognitive development, and social responsibility as other indications of effectiveness. (p. 16)

Many researchers have found that, like IQ differences, the majority of achievement differences between preschool participants and nonparticipants disappear by the middle of the primary years. Other researchers and reviewers, however, such as Lazar and Darlington (1982), Gray, et al. (1982) and the Illinois State Board of Education (1985) report that cognitive gains did persist beyond the primary years among the disadvantaged student populations with which they were concerned.

It is in the noncognitive realm, however, that the greatest benefits of preschool experience occur. Longitudinal studies, some of which have followed preschool graduates all the way into adulthood, have identified many positive and significant relationships between preschool participation and task-related, social, and attitudinal outcomes. According to the researchers and reviewers whose work was consulted in preparation for this report, preschool graduates outshine nonparticipants in the following areas:

Fewer referrals for remedial classes or special education. Preschool graduates were more likely to remain in regular classes throughout their public school years (Berrueta-Clement, et al. 1985; Consortium for Longitudinal Studies 1983; Featherstone 1986; Gray, et al. 1982; Illinois State Board of Education 1985; Irvine 1982; Lazar and Darlington 1982; Schweinhart 1985; Stallings and Stipek 1986; Powell 1986).
Fewer retentions. Preschool graduates were less likely to repeat grades (Berrueta-Clement, et al. 1985; Consortium for Longitudinal Studies 1983; Gray, et al. 1982; Illinois State Board of Education 1985; Irvine 1982; Lazar and Darlington 1982; Schweinhart 1985; Stallings and Stipek 1986; Powell 1986).
Higher grades. Graduates had fewer failing grades throughout their school years (Berrueta-Clement, et al. 1985; Consortium for Longitudinal Studies 1983; Featherstone 1986; Illinois State Board of Education 1985; Schweinhart 1985).
Greater social and emotional maturity. Those who attended preschool received higher teacher ratings on measures of social and emotional maturity (BerruetaClement, et al. 1985; Illinois State Board of Education 1985; Irvine 1982).
More frequent high school graduation/GED completion. Preschool graduates completed high school in greater numbers (Berrueta-Clement, et al. 1985; Consortium for Longitudinal Studies 1983; Featherstone 1986; Illinois State Board of Education 1985; Schweinhart 1985).
Greater academic motivation, on-task behavior, capacity for independent work, and time spent on homework. Preschool participants were rated higher than nonparticipants on these measures (Bronson, et al. 1985; Illinois State Board of Education 1985; Irvine 1982; Lazar and Darlington 1982; Schweinhart 1985; Stallings and Stipek 1986; Consortium for Longitudinal Studies; Berrueta-Clement, et al. 1985; Miller and Dyer 1975).
Lower incidence of absenteeism/detentions. Graduates had lower incidences of absenteeism and detentions (Illinois State Board of Education 1985).
Better attitudes toward school. Preschool graduates had much higher scores on measures of attitude toward school and toward particular subject areas (BerruetaClement, et al. 1985; Consortium for Longitudinal Studies 1983; Lazar and Darlington 1982; Miller and Dyer 1975).
Better self-esteem, greater internal locus of control. Those who attended preschool had higher scores on self-esteem and locus of control measures than did those who did not attend preschool (BerruetaClement, et al. 1985; Consortium for Longitudinal Studies; Illinois State Board of Education 1985).
Lower incidence of illegitimate pregnancy, drug abuse, and delinquent acts. Older students who had attended preschool as small children had lower incidences of these behaviors, according to selfreports (Featherstone 1986; Stallings and Stipek 1986; Consortium for Longitudinal Studies 1983; BerruetaClement 1985; Powell 1986; Schweinhart, et al. 1986; Gersten 1986).
More sports participation. Preschool graduates were more likely to engage in school-sponsored sports (Powell 1986; Gray, et al. 1982).
Higher future aspirations, more postsecondary education. Preschool graduates had higher aspirations for their futures than nonparticipants and were more likely to enroll in postsecondary programs (Featherstone 1986; Consortium for Longitudinal Studies; Berrueta-Clement, et al. 1985; Schweinhart 1985; Lazar and Darlington; Stallings and Stipek 1986).
Once out of school, young people who had attended preschool continued to make a better showing in life than those who had not.

See also Early Childhood Education 465 1 - 10